Ethnomusiblography
Sunday, November 25, 2012
Critical Review 9
Subject: “Paul Simon’s Graceland, South Africa, and the Mediation of Musical Meaning,” by Louise Meintjes
Meintjes’ essay is about Paul Simon’s Graceland, an album released in 1986 which represents a collaborative effort between Simon and artists from the U.S. and South Africa. Meintjes shows how components of the music are regional styles inseparable from their political and cultural roots. As a coherent work, Graceland embodies the notion of collaboration in both its eclectic musical modes and in the process of its creation. Collaboration pervades the album, extending beyond the integrated musical styles to the integration of languages, in particular Zulu and English. The centrality of collaboration in the album makes Graceland polysemic, lending it many possible interpretations. It takes on different semiotic connotations for each listener depending on the listener’s sociopolitical and cultural background.
How is a collaborative musical work viewed as a sociopolitical sign similar to a musical ethnography? What differentiates them?
Thursday, November 15, 2012
Challenge Question Cycle Response to Response
Discuss ways in which
ethnomusicology is identified with Western music and Western music
scholarship. Do these connections fundamentally subvert attempts to
understand other music cultures? On the other hand, do they complicate
attempts to look inward at Western music from a sociological perspective?
~ Aaron Clayton-Dunn
The vast majority of
formal ethnomusicologists and ethnomusicological institutions are located in
the Western world. Traditionally, ethnomusicology was viewed as, almost
exclusively, the study of non-Western musics and their relation to the musics
of the Western world. This concept of "otherness," which we have
encountered many times lends itself naturally to cultural relativism, as the
one of the only ways an ethnographer can provide a solid base grounding for the
study comes from utilizing his/her own background. For most of the
readings we have covered in class, the ethnomusicologists come exclusively from
a Western academic background, in which they have been schooled in Western
music and have remained indubitably immersed in the culture. As such, there is
definitely a Western-tinged perspective present whenever a typical academic
undertakes an ethnomusicological/ethnographic study. There are examples of
those who come from other cultures and study their own culture, such as Kofi
Agawu. But even Agawu has studied Western music and considers himself a Western
musicologist, so he will, too, face an aspect of "otherness" and have
the innate basis for comparison when studying another culture's music, even if
it is his own.
Whenever one looks to
study any aspect of another culture, one inevitably applies the tool of
comparison to ground oneself. Whether this comparison is explicitly stated in
the course of the ethnography, the ethnographer nonetheless goes through the
process of comparison when witnessing an event; this is simply how the human
mind works: we take what we know previously and apply it to the current
situation we are experiencing. For this reason, there will always be problems when
studying another's culture.
This, though, may not
"fundamentally subvert" understanding of another culture.
Ethnomusicology, as we have read, has gone through many phases and reforms, the
most recent of which has lead to a direct increase in reflexivity present in
studies. If an ethnographer sets out to detail their own relevant background
and experiences in a study, the readers can possibly detect coloration and bias
for themselves. This is by no means a perfect system, as the only person who
knows all an ethnographer's relevant background is the ethnographer
him/herself. If, however, the reader keeps the mindset of checking a study for
bias, by no means does the ethnographers background, in Western music/culture
or otherwise, render the study useless. In this day and age, as well, the technology
for recording video of performances, rehearsals, and daily life, etc. gives
anyone the ability to come to their own conclusions about an aspect of culture
(though this, too, is inevitably linked to and/or biased by the videographer's
choice of what to record and how to edit).
Recently,
ethnomusicologists have looked to rid themselves of these sorts of biases by
looking and studying their own cultures. This is most definitely a worthy
endeavor, and a highly possible one, since the ethnomusicologist is attuned to
his/her own culture more than anyone. At the same time, this inherent
"understanding" of one's own culture can cause one to overlook
aspects that an outsider would pick up on; many aspects of a culture are taken
for granted. So, in this way, the same problems are faced by the ethnographer
who studies their own culture. In my opinion, to completely and unbiasedly
study a culture, the culture must have a complete "otherness" (such
as Earthian culture to the Martian ethnomusicologist). This, as we all know, is
never possible in reality; to study the sociological aspects of Western music,
one would have to distance oneself from the culture and look at it from an
outsider's perspective, which may not be truly possible. As such, there are
inherent problems with looking at one's own culture and music, as much as there
are when looking at another's culture and music.
~ Adith Ramamurti
I enjoyed your
discussion of how our proclivity for comparison is at the heart of our bias in
portraying and understanding other cultures.
Ethnomusicologists have historically attempted to understand “the other”
through comparison. Some ethnographers
believed they could quickly “get” a culture by abstracting universal cultural
themes from their observations. In light
of this, I appreciate the poststructuralist effort to interrogate these notions
of “self” and “other” as discrete elements and attempt to understand cultures
on their own terms through participant observation (which, luckily, is often
productive in ethnomusicological fieldwork).
I also feel that it is really impossible to study a culture and reach
conclusions about it in an unbiased way.
I don’t even know what that would mean, as I see bias as an integral
part of the process of analysis.
You mention
reflexivity and the use of technology as ethnographic tools capable of minimizing
bias. I agree that reflexivity can help
show the interplay of the ethnographer’s background and the culture she is
studying. This can shed a lot of light
on both those elements. As far as
technology goes, I think it can be helpful as a way of bringing the experience
directly to the audience. Of course, if
you publish a video of a cultural practice which is different from the norms of
your audience’s cultures, bias enters the system through other channels. Not only are you biased in what you choose to
share, but you also allow for the bias of your audience to come more into
play. And the way you frame the video
content when presenting it affects how people will perceive it.
I really liked the
article written from the perspective of a Martian studying western art
music. Even in this thought experiment,
the Martian would have come from his own music culture and would bring a degree
of bias to the table. But I appreciated the
author’s approach of constructing an understanding of the music culture by examining
it and deriving insights from an outsider’s perspective. By doing this, he was able to articulate
aspects of the culture that I have always taken for granted, having grown up in
it.
~ Aaron Clayton-Dunn
Monday, November 12, 2012
Critical Review 8
Subject: “Old Can Be Used Instead of New:” Shape-Note Singing and the Crisis of Modernity in the New South, 1880-1920, by Gavin James Campbell
In this essay, Campbell situates the politics of shape-note singing in the context of the political, social, and economic tensions regarding modernity and traditionalism in the South. He discusses attempts at revising The Sacred Harp in a climate of ambivalent notions of heritage and change. Following the Civil War, increased Northeastern production of seven-shape-note urban gospel texts challenged the supremacy of earlier texts, such as The Sacred Harp and Southern Harmony, which had their roots in the Second Great Awakening and early folk traditions. These conflicting musical idioms paralleled the extending reach of national market forces. The old Southern economy was predicated on subsistence farming and was challenged by transforming modes of transportation and agricultural and industrial production. Shape-note text revisionists responded to the demands of Southern rural Conventions and changing musical tastes, attempting to mediate between these ambivalent ideas.
To what extent can the convention of immutability in The Sacred Harp text today be traced to competing economic forces in the South in the late 19th century?
Historical question I’m curious to learn more about: did the Populist movement validate and reinforce earlier forms of shape-note singing?
In this essay, Campbell situates the politics of shape-note singing in the context of the political, social, and economic tensions regarding modernity and traditionalism in the South. He discusses attempts at revising The Sacred Harp in a climate of ambivalent notions of heritage and change. Following the Civil War, increased Northeastern production of seven-shape-note urban gospel texts challenged the supremacy of earlier texts, such as The Sacred Harp and Southern Harmony, which had their roots in the Second Great Awakening and early folk traditions. These conflicting musical idioms paralleled the extending reach of national market forces. The old Southern economy was predicated on subsistence farming and was challenged by transforming modes of transportation and agricultural and industrial production. Shape-note text revisionists responded to the demands of Southern rural Conventions and changing musical tastes, attempting to mediate between these ambivalent ideas.
To what extent can the convention of immutability in The Sacred Harp text today be traced to competing economic forces in the South in the late 19th century?
Historical question I’m curious to learn more about: did the Populist movement validate and reinforce earlier forms of shape-note singing?
Thursday, November 8, 2012
Challenge Question Cycle
Subject: an essay entitled “Wagner and Power Chords:
Skinheadism, White Power Music, and the Internet,” by Les Back
In class we thoroughly discussed the different ways in which
internet may have affected the spreading and growth of the white supremacist skinhead
movement. However, we never touched on the quality and values of
Back’s actual ethnography. Do you think he presented the skinhead
movement in an objective light? Is it possible that somehow attempting an
objective ethnography of such a hateful and bigoted group is potentially not
ethical in itself?
~ Jonathan Koe
Good
question. I would say that Back didn’t
present the white supremacist skinhead movement in an objective light at
all. He is writing under the assumption
that his audience shares his distaste for the movement’s core values. But he moves past that understanding to
portray a nuanced view of the community.
His essay sheds light on the technological and musical modes of transmission
of fascist ideology and culture.
For evidence that Back is in no way seeking to validate
or perpetuate white supremacy, we need look no further than the paper’s opening. He begins with a joke about a skinhead who is
so stupid he doesn’t understand what a computer is and uses it as a weapon to
mug someone with. Back explains that
this lame joke “masks a deadly serious reality.
The success of the White Power music scene today is in large part the
product of the Information Age.” From
the start of his essay, then, Back takes sides against the movement. For us to take his work seriously, he has to
get that out of the way first.
But Back moves on to grapple with the striking diversity
of the skinhead movement and shows a degree of compassion toward some of its
members. He writes about “gay skins,”
quoting such a person describing a night club packed with gay fascists dancing
to black reggae music! Back then
comments “These connections complicate the idea that this was a simplistically
chauvinistic culture.” His thesis, then,
with regard to Skinheadism as an ideology, problematizes the simplicity of
antiracist depictions of skinheads. He
empathizes with them, but does not attempt to explain, let alone excuse, their
beliefs. Instead, he mostly focuses on
the functions of music and technology in creating a “translocal notion of
race.”
While white supremacy is a difficult subject to write
about, it is nonetheless important that scholars attempt to understand its
roots and methods of propagation. Back
discusses notions of identity, pride and community in skinheadism; he points to
the powers of music, fashion, ideology, and acceptance into the community as entry
points for members; and he reveals how women, homosexuals, and even Jews have entered
these social circles, particularly through musical-social channels. Back’s work provides a fascinating case study of
an isolated subject, from which readers can derive general insight into the
intersection of music, technology, and culture. Furthermore, in defending Back’s ethnography
of the cultural underpinnings of an evil ideology, I recall a quote from Sun
Tzu’s The Art of War: “It is said that if you know your enemies and know yourself, you will not
be imperiled in a hundred battles.” Perhaps
in developing a sophisticated understanding of the movement, Back will be
better equip us to oppose it. He closes with
an optimistic analysis of the movement’s current direction. He writes that the hyperconnectivity of the
movement has “accelerated the tendency toward factionalism, which has
mercifully haunted post-war fascism.” Back’s account of skinheadism is strongly
aligned with the nonracist agenda and paints a picture of a marginalized community
undergoing “attrition and division” as its heightened connectivity reveals it as
a splintered fringe movement in decline.
~ Aaron
Clayton-Dunn
Tuesday, November 6, 2012
Critical Review 7
In an email exchange on the Sacred Harp listserv, we witness
the community wrestling with issues of authenticity and egalitarianism. From the correspondence, it is clear that the
shared values of the community have created a space where every member is
expected to be accepting of different cultures and religions. But they also hold dear the authenticity and social
history of their shared text. The email
thread begins with someone expressing their discomfort with two verses in the
Sacred Harp, one vilifying Jews, the other representing a Native American
monologue in an arguably condescending manner.
Everyone has their two cents. One
man has Jewish friends, so he can’t do any harm by singing the verse,
right? Many responders refuse to sing
the verses and advocate for altering or expunging them. Others argue that singers should accept them even
though they are politically incorrect in a modern context because they were
written long ago. Adherents of the
latter camp often refer to the offensive language with euphemisms such as
“strong stuff” or “hearty language” and suggest that singers instead consider
the deeper meanings of the verses. In debating whether changes should be made, an
underlying tension exists between maintaining the authenticity of a historical
text and allowing that text to evolve in response to its changing social
context.
Is perpetuation of a racial stereotype in the context of a
traditional artistic practice an act of prejudice?
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